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[AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM RICHARD HUTSON AS LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA, TO HIS BROTHER, MAJOR THOMAS HUTSON, RELATING TO THE IMPENDING EVACUATION OF CHARLESTON BY THE BRITISH AND THE FATE OF FREE AND ENSLAVED BLACKS WITHIN BRITISH LINES].

[AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM RICHARD HUTSON AS LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA, TO HIS BROTHER, MAJOR THOMAS HUTSON, RELATING TO THE IMPENDING EVACUATION OF CHARLESTON BY THE BRITISH AND THE FATE OF FREE AND ENSLAVED BLACKS WITHIN BRITISH LINES]. by [American Revolution]: Hutson, Richard:

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Title
[AUTOGRAPH LETTER, SIGNED, FROM RICHARD HUTSON AS LIEUTENANT GOVERNOR OF SOUTH CAROLINA, TO HIS BROTHER, MAJOR THOMAS HUTSON, RELATING TO THE IMPENDING EVACUATION OF CHARLESTON BY THE BRITISH AND THE FATE OF FREE AND ENSLAVED BLACKS WITHIN BRITISH LINES].
Author
[American Revolution]: Hutson, Richard:
Seller
William Reese Company (United States)
Description
Hayne Hall, Pon Pon [Jacksonboro, SC]. , October 25, 1782.. The British Evacuation of Charleston and "the fate of the Treaty, relative to the Negroes in the possession of the Enemy" An autograph letter, signed, from Richard Hutson, lieutenant governor of South Carolina, to his brother, Major Thomas Hutson, dated October 25, 1782, written as the British prepared to evacuate Charleston. Contents of the letter relate primarily to matters surrounding the upcoming evacuation, specifically to certain terms of a treaty between South Carolina and the British, agreed to on October 10, concerning the fate of free and enslaved Blacks within British lines. In the summer of 1782, following the American victory at Yorktown the previous year and amid ongoing peace negotiations in Paris, the British government issued orders for the evacuation of troops stationed in Savannah, Georgia, and Charleston, South Carolina, with New York to follow suit shortly thereafter. Accompanying the British troops as they evacuated would be some sixty thousand Loyalist refugees who, rather than face an uncertain and possibly hostile future in the newly United States, chose to leave their homes and settle elsewhere in the British Empire. "Crucially," notes historian Maya Jasanoff, "not all loyalists were white. For the half million black slaves in the thirteen colonies, the revolution presented a striking opportunity when British officers offered freedom to slaves who agreed to fight. Twenty thousand slaves seized this promise, making the revolution the occasion for the largest emancipation of North American slaves until the U.S. Civil War" (p.8). Of those formerly enslaved, the minority who had survived the devastations of war and disease, numbering between eight and ten thousand, evacuated with the British as free people (Pybus). Just as crucially, however, not all of those who evacuated left as free people. As Jasanoff, again, points out, the sixty thousand Loyalists who evacuated with the British "took fifteen thousand black slaves with them, bringing the total exodus to seventy-five thousand people—or about one in forty members of the American population" (p.6). In Charleston alone, refugees numbered some 4,200 White Loyalists and another 7,000 men, women, and children of African descent, most of them enslaved. In a city as large as Charleston, "the evacuation of so many slaves posed special complications," writes Jasanoff: "During the British occupation, about a hundred patriot-owned estates with five thousand slaves had been 'sequestered' and run for the benefit of the British military....Now, with evacuation imminent, many loyalists whose own slaves had been seized by the patriots wanted to take sequestered slaves as compensation....To make matters more difficult, hundreds of black loyalists lived and worked in Charleston...who had legitimate claims to leave with the British as free people. Patriots balked at the prospect of any of their valuable slaves, sequestered or freed, sailing off into the empire" (p.74). In the face of these various, competing claims, General Alexander Leslie, the British commanding officer in Charleston, proposed appointing a commission to settle them. The commission consisted of two representatives from South Carolina, Benjamin Guerard and Edward Rutledge, and two negotiating on behalf of the British, Alexander Wright and James Johnson. On October 10, the commission issued a "Treaty, Respecting Slaves within the British Lines, British Debts, Property secured by Family Settlements, etc." The relevant provisions stipulated that all slaves within British lines were to be restored to their former owners, "as far as is practicable," except those who had already been promised freedom by the British and those who "may have rendered themselves particularly obnoxious" to the Americans "on account of their attachment and services to the British." Furthermore, the state was prohibited from punishing returned slaves, and masters were to be discouraged from doing so as well. As evacuation day neared, a board of inspectors was appointed to determine the veracity of the claims of the formerly enslaved who sought their freedom. In exchange for unreturned slaves, the British promised full compensation to their former owners. As Jasanoff points out, "Leslie's handling of this issue provided an important model for the still larger evacuation of blacks that Sir Guy Carleton would soon superintend in New York" (p.75). The present letter, written on October 25, 1782, addresses directly "the fate of the Treaty, relative to the Negroes in the possession of the Enemy," agreed to some fifteen days earlier on October 10, with Hutson claiming that the treaty had been broken off on account of what he describes as "the avarice of the British Officers." Hutson here offers an interpretation that would later be echoed by his friend and Princeton classmate David Ramsay. In his 1785 History of the Revolution of South-Carolina, Ramsay prints an October 19 letter in which the state's governor, John Mathews, informs General Leslie that "I look on that agreement as dissolved." Like Hutson, Ramsay blamed "[t]he prospects of gain, from the sale of plundered negroes," which "were too seducing to be resisted by the officers, privates and followers of the British army." Modern scholars, however, generally maintain that the British, in their handling of these matters, were motivated, not by greed, but by a commitment to honoring their promises of freedom. The letter reads in full as follows: "Hayne-Hall Ponpon Octob. 25th 1782 "Dear Brother "This acknowledges the receipt of your favor by Mr. Wigg. I should be extremely happy in paying you a visit at Cedar Grove; but I am afraid it will not be in my power, for many reasons which it would be superfluous to mention, before the evacuation of Charlestown. In the interim, it would afford me great pleasure to see you at Hayne-Hall. You will no doubt, before this, have heard of the fate of the Treaty, relative to the Negroes in the possession of the Enemy. Major Wigg will inform you of the ostensible reasons: the real cause of it's being broke off, I am inclined to believe is the avarice of the British Officers. But it is no new thing, in this War at least, for them to sacrifice the Interests of their King & Nation to the Auri sacra fames. Paul returned from Town yesterday, whither I had sent him, with Letters to Mrs. Peronneau & the Commissioners for executing the Treaty, on the subject of the Negroes belonging to this Estate & my own. Mrs. Peronneau & her family were all well. The Fleet of Transports from Halifax consisting of 47. Sail are certainly arrived, so that they cannot wait for any thing now but the return Transport from Augustine. I send you enclosed two of Dunlap's Papers. I saw a Philadelphia Paper yesterday of the 18th ult. which contains a confirmation of the defeat of Admiral Hughs, & the other successes of the French in the East Indies. It also contains a Paragraph somewhat laughable, that his Britannic Majesty had determined to give Gibraltar in exchange for Porto Rico, which is to be given to the Tories, that Galloway was to be appointed Governor & Arnold Lieutt. Governor, that the Tories were elated to the highest pitch with it, and had already christened it Toriana. But it is added, in a subsequent Paragraph that the last accounts from Gibraltar make it probable, that that Fortress will soon become the property of Spain on easier Terms. Doctor Ramsay informs me in a Letter dated the 10th ult. that Congress had resolved the day before, that General Greene & the Army should remain here till further orders, notwithstanding the evacuation of C. Town; which I think is a most fortunate circumstance for the Georgians. As I intend to try indico on James Island the next year, I should be obliged to you if you would endeavour to procure me a little good seed in time. My compliments wait on Mrs. Hutson. "I am your affec Bror. "Richd. Hutson" Richard Hutson (1748–1795) was a prominent South Carolina lawyer, politician, and planter. Born in Prince William's Parish in Beaufort County, South Carolina, he moved to Charleston with his family in 1756 after his father accepted a pastorate there. He attended the College of New Jersey (later Princeton), a classmate of fellow South Carolinian David Ramsay, who would go on to become a famous historian of the Revolution, graduating in 1765. Hutson was a member of the South Carolina General Assembly in 1775. From 1778 to 1779, he represented South Carolina in the Continental Congress, where he signed the Articles of Confederation. He was taken prisoner by the British at the fall of Charleston in May 1780 and held in St. Augustine, Florida, until July 1781, when he returned home. From 1782 to 1783—and at the time the present letter was sent—he served as lieutenant governor of South Carolina. The letter was written at Hayne Hall, Pon Pon (in present-day Jacksonboro, South Carolina), the plantation of Hutson's friend and brother-in-law, Isaac Hayne, who was executed the year before by the British for treason. The "Mrs. Peronneau" referred to in the letter is one of Hutson's sisters, Mary Peronneau. The "Major Wigg," by whom the letter was sent, likely refers to Major William Hazzard Wigg, a friend of Hutson and Hayne. A revealing letter that speaks to what one scholar has described as the "revolution within a revolution" fought by African Americans during the American War for Independence (Nash). Old folds. Minor dampstaining. Lower fifth of address panel torn away, repaired with later laid paper, margins of address leaf reinforced. Good plus. Maya Jasanoff, Liberty's Exiles: American Loyalists in the Revolutionary World (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2011). Cassandra Pybus, "Jefferson's Faulty Math: The Question of Slave Defections in the American Revolution" in William and Mary Quarterly, Vol. 62, no. 2 (April 2005), pp.262-64. David Ramsay, The History of the Revolution of South-Carolina, From a British Province to an Independent State, Vol. 2 (Trenton, 1785), pp.381, 384. Gary B. Nash, The Forgotten Fifth: African Americans in the Age of Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 2006), p.67.
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. FRAMED AND ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION WHICH ASSEMBLED AT LITTLE ROCK, JANUARY 7th, 1868....WITH MARGINAL NOTES, A FULL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND A COPIOUS INDEX....

THE CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. FRAMED AND ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION WHICH ASSEMBLED AT LITTLE ROCK, JANUARY 7th, 1868....WITH MARGINAL NOTES, A FULL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND A COPIOUS INDEX.... by [Arkansas]: Pomeroy, James M.:

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THE CONSTITUTION OF THE STATE OF ARKANSAS. FRAMED AND ADOPTED BY THE CONVENTION WHICH ASSEMBLED AT LITTLE ROCK, JANUARY 7th, 1868....WITH MARGINAL NOTES, A FULL DOCUMENTARY HISTORY OF THE CONSTITUTION, AND A COPIOUS INDEX....
Author
[Arkansas]: Pomeroy, James M.:
Seller
William Reese Company (United States)
Description
Little Rock. , 1870.. Littell Copy of Arkansas' Reconstruction Constitution The Littell copy of Arkansas' unsurprisingly contentious Reconstruction Constitution. While it allowed Arkansas to rejoin the Union, restrictions on rights for former Confederates and other ideas considered "Radical Republicanism" resulted in anger and violence in response. This constitution strengthens the power of the Governor's office, recognizes "the equality of all persons before the law" regardless of "race, color, or previous condition," enfranchises Blacks, grants property rights to women, voids the secession constitution of 1861, restricts the voting rights of former Confederate officials and soldiers (until 1876), outlaws dueling, establishes a system of free public schools, and forbids religious tests as a qualification for office. James Pomeroy, who compiled this volume, was a Little Rock lawyer. Following the adoption of this constitution, Union-general-turned-Governor Powell Clayton tried largely in vain to enforce its strictures and curtail Klan activities and other agitation in the state. When Clayton left to become a senator, the gubernatorial election of 1872 became a hotly contested race between Elisha Baxter and Joseph Brooks. Voter intimidation and election fraud were the words of the day, but eventually Baxter was certified as the victor. Brooks took a group of armed men into the state house in 1874 to oust Baxter by force, and violence between supporters of the two candidates broke out in the streets of Little Rock. The ensuing "Brooks-Baxter War" continued to the tune of some 200 dead Americans until President Grant intervened on behalf of Baxter. Regardless of Baxter's final victory, the conflict resulted in the drafting of a new, significantly more conservative constitution (sometimes called the "Thou shalt not" constitution for its numerous limitations on government) in 1874, which remains in effect today. A rare and important Reconstruction document presented with detailed and useful indices, from the library of famed Americana collector C.G. Littell. Quarto. Contemporary three-quarter sheep and marbled boards. Leather rubbed, worn along joints, some paper loss to boards. Scattered light foxing, otherwise quite clean internally. Bookplate of C.G. Littell on front pastedown. Very good. SABIN 63923.

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